Photo: Simone D. McCourtie / World Bank - flickr.com - CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

Pflicht­lektüre für die GroKo: IWF zeigt, dass Eurozone nicht funktioniert

Heute vor einer Woche habe ich das Papier der deutsch-fran­zö­si­schen Öko­nomen zur Sanierung der Eurozone dis­ku­tiert. Nette Ideen ohne jeg­liche prak­tische Relevanz. Lösen sie doch keines der wirk­lichen Pro­bleme der Eurozone. 
Das­selbe gilt für die Ideen der GroKo, getrieben von einem Martin Schulz, der sich als Retter Europas sieht, koste es uns, was es wolle. Auch nach seinem Aus­scheiden aus der Politik (hof­fentlich!) bleibt das Thema Euro mit einem fal­schen Ansatz im Pro­gramm einer Regierung, der es wohl um alles geht, nur nicht um das Land. → Der bevor­ste­hende Meineid der GroKo: Schaden mehren, statt abwehren
Auf­grund meines Wer­de­gangs bevorzuge ich eine gründ­liche Analyse des Pro­blems, bevor ich eine Lösung vor­schlage. Dies sollte unsere Politik auch vor­nehmen, statt bereit­willig auf die Lösungs­vor­schläge anderer Länder zu springen, die völlig legitim ihre eigenen Inter­essen ver­treten. Sollten wir halt auch tun.
Was die Pro­bleme der Eurozone sind, kann man zum Bei­spiel einem neuen Papier des IWF ent­nehmen. Schauen wir es uns genauer an:

  • Zunächst die Erin­nerung an die Erwar­tungen an den Euro: „European Eco­nomic and Monetary Union (EMU) was expected to foster greater macroe­co­nomic sta­bility, pro­sperity, and con­ver­gence. The intro­duction of the single cur­rency would sta­bilize exchange rates and lower interest rates across the union. Poli­cy­makers assumed that by eli­mi­nating exchange rate uncer­tainty and reducing cross- border tran­saction costs, a common cur­rency would increase capital mobility and intra- regional trade, thereby boosting growth and helping per capita income levels to con­verge between poorer and richer countries.“
    Fazit: Und die ent­schei­dende Frage ist, wurde das Ziel erreicht?
  • Vor­der­gründig ja, aber eben nur vor­der­gründig: „EMU suc­ceeded in estab­li­shing a cre­dible monetary policy framework and deepened financial inte­gration, but many national govern­ments failed to exercise suf­fi­cient fiscal disci­pline and to undertake suf­fi­cient struc­tural reforms. In the first decade of the euro, countries bene­fited from a sta­bility-ori­ented monetary policy framework with low interest rates, low expected inflation, and a stable, common exchange rate. However, national fiscal policies were pro-cyclical and the struc­tural reform momentum faded, leading to macroe­co­nomic imba­lances and widening com­pe­ti­ti­veness gaps. With weak financial super­vision, rapidly incre­asing cross-border capital flows ulti­m­ately served as a desta­bi­lizing force.“
    Fazit: und wie. Es kam zu einem mas­siven Ver­schul­dungsboom, der uns erst in die Krise geführt hat. 
  • The euro area crisis has tested the sta­bility of the euro area and exposed trends of eco­nomic diver­gence. The euro area is emerging from a deep crisis that has chal­lenged the ability of its macroe­co­nomic policy framework to deliver sta­bility and pro­sperity. While countries such as Germany are now well above their pre-crisis GDP levels, in other countries such as Italy, GDP is only expected to return to its pre-crisis level in the mid-2020s. In such a weak growth envi­ronment, dis­tri­bu­tional issues become more pressing, which could cause the current widening of real income gaps to threaten the social cohesion of EMU. Moreover, the positive effects of eco­nomic union on trade, labor mobility, and pro­duc­tivity have been weaker than expected, while cross-border capital flows mate­ria­lized, but served as a desta­bi­lizing force.“
    Fazit: Im Klartext, der Euro funk­tio­niert nicht und trägt mehr zur Desta­bi­li­sierung als zur Sta­bi­li­sierung bei.

An dieser Stelle können die­je­nigen mit wenig Zeit auf­hören zu lesen. Die Ziele wurden nicht erreicht und wenn man an den Zielen festhält, dann muss man andere Dinge tun, als die gestern hier vor­ge­stellten. Man muss das Bank­wesen refor­mieren, man muss Arbeits­märkte libe­ra­li­sieren, man muss Kon­kurse zulassen, man muss in Bildung und Tech­no­logie inves­tieren. Eine Menge Themen, die anstren­gender sind als der Ruf nach mehr Geld/Umverteilung.
Die Studie des IWF unter­sucht: „(…) three broad areas of con­ver­gence are explored: i) nominal con­ver­gence (interest and inflation rates); ii) real con­ver­gence (income levels and pro­duc­tivity); and iii) con­ver­gence of business cycles and financial cycles. We examine the eco­nomic channels expected to faci­litate con­ver­gence, such as increased trade, capital flows, labor mobility, fiscal har­mo­nization, and increased struc­tural fle­xi­bility.“ Fazit: Und wir schauen uns die Ergeb­nisse an.
Nominal Con­ver­gence

  • Inflation rates con­verged sub­stan­tially before euro adoption, but did not align further the­re­after. Amid global dis­in­flation trends and in line with the con­ver­gence cri­teria for price sta­bility that countries had to meet to join the euro area, inflation rates in EA-12 countries con­verged toward the rates in low-inflation countries. (…) Since then, however, inflation rates have not con­verged much further. (…) in the ensuing years of con­traction in these countries, inflation remained close to the euro area average, pointing to struc­tu­rally higher inflation in these eco­nomies.
    Fazit: Die Infla­ti­ons­kultur hat sich gehalten, trotz der Mit­glied­schaft im Euro. Das muss ver­stehen, wer von einer Rettung der Eurozone träumt.


Quelle: IMF

  • While the variation in inflation rates across euro area countries is rela­tively small, the per­sistent inflation dif­fe­ren­tials con­tri­buted to com­pe­ti­ti­veness gaps. Looking at average inflation rates over 1999–2007, the same countries (Ireland, Greece, Spain, and Por­tugal) were con­sis­t­ently in the upper end of the inflation dis­tri­bution (text chart). This per­sis­tence of higher inflation led to a pro­gressive dete­rio­ration in these countries’ com­pe­ti­ti­veness over time, as reflected in widening gaps in real effective exchange rates.“
    Fazit: ein Thema, das in den Betrach­tungen der deutsch-fran­zö­si­schen Öko­no­men­gruppe nicht mal am Rande erwähnt wird. Doch wie sollen die Kri­sen­länder dau­erhaft besser werden?


Quelle: IMF

  • As a result, real interest rates fell sharply in some countries and overshot con­ver­gence, dropping below Germany’s real rate. With nominal interest rates con­verging more com­pletely than inflation rates, higher-inflation countries had lower real rates, which in turn fueled credit booms and domestic demand, re-enforcing infla­tionary pressure. In fact, countries that had pre­viously had real interest rates above Germany’s expe­ri­enced lower real interest rates than Germany from about 1999.“
    Fazit: was die Schul­den­blase befördert hat und damit in die Krise geführt.
  • „(…) the con­ver­gence in interest rates also impli­citly meant that markets stopped dif­fe­ren­tiating credit risk across govern­ments, based on a belief that euro area sove­reigns would never default. This effec­tively under­mined govern­ments’ incen­tives for eco­nomic reform to improve pro­duc­tivity and com­pe­ti­ti­veness. With the financial crisis, markets repriced debt as the dif­fe­rences in credit risk became more apparent. The con­ver­gence dynamic thus went into reverse, as the countries with the largest spreads at the time of the Maas­tricht Treaty expe­ri­enced the most dra­matic increases.“
    Fazit: bevor die EZB mit ihrer Geld­po­litik die traum­hafte Fehl­steuerung wieder geschaffen hat.
  • To sum­marize, the cumu­lative effect of small, but per­sistent inflation dif­fe­ren­tials and con­verging nominal interest rates after euro intro­duction ham­pered real con­ver­gence.“
    Fazit: Und daran ändert sich nichts, wenn man eine Schul­den­union herbeiführt.

Real Con­ver­gence: Income and Productivity 

  • There was steady income con­ver­gence
across euro area countries in the decades
leading up to the Maas­tricht Treaty. (…) However, con­trary to expec­ta­tions, income con­ver­gence among EA-12 countries slowed after Maas­tricht and sub­se­quently came to a halt.
    Fazit: Klarer kann man nicht sagen, dass der Euro gescheitert ist. Es handelt sich hier nicht um ein Papier von Euro­kri­tikern wie Hans-Werner Sinn, sondern um Wis­sen­schaftler der IWF.


Quelle: IMF

  • Und es kommt noch schlimmer: „Pro­duc­tivity among the EA-12 diverged under the single cur­rency. While pro­duc­tivity growth has slowed in recent decades throughout Europe, the decline was more pro­no­unced in some countries than in others. Con­trary to expec­ta­tions, there was no pro­duc­tivity catch-up fol­lowing the intro­duction of the euro. A decom­po­sition of annual GDP per capita growth across countries with high and low initial pro­duc­tivity levels shows that countries use of factors of pro­duction more than offset the growth con­tri­bution of greater capital investment in these countries, forestalling real con­ver­gence. A larger fall in investment and employment since 2008 further added to the post-crisis diver­gence in eco­nomic growth.“
    Fazit: Also auch hier ist der Euro gescheitert.


Quelle: IMF
Business Cycle Synchronization 

  • „(…) business cycles were already highly
syn­chro­nized across euro area
countries in the three decades leading
up to the euro in 1999. From 1999
to 2007, business cycle
syn­chro­nization increased further, fol­lowed by an addi­tional sharp increase in the post-2008 period. The increase in con­cordance was broad-based. Germany in par­ti­cular has expe­ri­enced incre­asing syn­chro­nization over time, and is the country with the highest degree of syn­chro­nization post crisis.“
    Fazit: was zumindest aus deut­scher Sicht nicht nur positiv ist. Als Exportland wäre es besser, unsere Kunden würden zu unter­schied­lichen Zeiten boomen oder in der Rezession stecken. 
  • However, after some initial nar­rowing, the amplitude of business cycles has diverged. (…) While the high degree of cyclical syn­chro­nization ensures that the common monetary policy points in the right direction for most EMU member states, the diver­gence in amplitude means that the optimal degree of tigh­tening or loo­sening of macroe­co­nomic policies would differ for dif­ferent countries.“
    Fazit: also auch hier keine wirklich gute Nach­richt. Die Öko­nomen haben keinen ein­zigen wirk­lichen Vor­schlag, um die Syn­chro­ni­sation zu ver­bessern, als für mehr Umver­teilung zu werben. Dabei könnte man über Bil­dungs­stan­dards und Inves­ti­tionen in die Zukunft nachdenken. 

Financial Cycle Syn­chro­nization and Capital Flows 

  • In con­trast with business cycles, the degree of financial cycle syn­chro­nicity fell in the initial phase of the euro, but then rose in the wake of the crisis. A euro area financial cycle upswing started around the time of the euro intro­duction and lasted until the financial crisis. The downturn started with the crisis in 2009 and lasted through the end of the esti­mation period. (…) While the overall degree of financial cycle syn­chro­nization was similar to that of business cycles, bila­teral financial cycle con­cordance numbers varied much more widely than those of business cycles, indi­cating greater dispersion among countries.“
    Fazit: was auch damit zu tun hat, dass die Risiken von den Markt­teil­nehmern pro­zy­klisch gesehen werden. 
  • Germany’s financial cycle has become incre­asingly dis­con­nected from the others. (…) This dis­connect reflects
Germany’s distinctive credit and house
price dynamics, which differ from those
of most EA-12 countries. Credit to the
private non-financial sector remained flat
between 2004 and 2011, pre­venting a
sub­se­quent private debt overhang and credit supply con­traction. Simi­larly, Germany’s house prices remained stable until 2009 and grew rela­tively slowly the­re­after. The rela­tively low home ownership rate in Germany may also have played a role.“
    Fazit: Lassen Sie mich das über­setzen: Weil es bei uns keinen Schul­denboom gegeben hat, sind wir weniger mit den anderen „syn­chron“. Ist das wirklich ein Nachteil für den Euro? Wohl kaum, denn so kann unsere Politik denken, „wir wären reich“ und zur Rettung eilen.
  • Our ana­lysis shows a large and growing variation in ampli­tudes across national financial cycles. In par­ti­cular, financial cycles were strongly amplified in Spain, Ireland, and Greece, with standard devia­tions close to five times the euro area average. These countries expe­ri­enced financial cycles of incre­asing duration and magnitude after euro intro­duction, in sharp con­trast to core euro area countries, as cross-border bank flows from core country banks to the private (Spain, Ireland) and public (Greece) sectors boomed.“
    Fazit: Da hat der Euro als ein Schul­den­turbo funk­tio­niert. Gut?

Adjus­tment Mecha­nisms in the Euro Area 

  • Cross-country flows in labor, capital, goods, and ser­vices markets were expected to help income con­ver­gence and countries’ capacity to adjust to shocks in the single cur­rency. In the face of common cyclical shocks, it was envi­saged that fiscal policies would work with the common monetary policy to dampen the business cycle.“
    Fazit: Also sollten Staats­aus­gaben helfen, um Schocks abzu­federn. Dabei wissen wir, dass es eben nicht genügt. 
  • However, the envi­saged adjus­tment mecha­nisms under monetary union have been insuf­fi­cient to support con­ver­gence, and have in some cases con­tri­buted to diver­gence. Labor mobility remained modest and trade inte­gration was less than expected. Countries did not advance struc­tural reforms as expected, and fiscal policy in practice often was pro­cy­clical rather than coun­ter­cy­clical. Capital flows did boom spec­ta­cular in the early years of monetary union, but they proved desta­bi­lizing rather than shock absorbing, as demons­trated by the sharp reversal of capital flows during the crisis. Moreover these capital flows did not generate con­ver­gence of pro­duc­tivity to produce sus­tained real income con­ver­gence. ECB research sug­gests that some 80 percent of income risks remain uns­moothed through fiscal, price, credit, and capital flow channels and that the degree of risk-sharing has actually fallen in recent years.“
    Fazit: Offen­sichtlich müsste man doch hier anpacken, wenn man die Eurozone sta­biler machen will. Mehr staat­liche Umver­teilung ist aber nicht die Antwort. Die Frage wäre doch, wie man private Kapi­tal­ströme mehr moti­viert (Reformen, Eigen­tums­schutz) und zugleich eine Fehl­al­lo­kation in unpro­duktive Sek­toren verhindert. 
  • Intra-euro area trade is sub­stantial, but has not increased as much as pre­dicted. Con­trary to expec­ta­tions., there is little evi­dence that EMU has sti­mu­lated trade. Intra-euro area trade increased less than trade with non-euro area countries.“
    Fazit: ein wich­tiges Thema, will man die Eurozone stabilisieren.


Quelle: IMF

  • The adjus­tment impact from intra-EU labor mobility has also been modest. (…) In fact, most of the recent rise in intra-EU mobility is due to East-West flows fol­lowing EU enlar­gement, as can be seen by the increase in EU-28 flows.“
    Fazit: Auch hier fehlt damit ein wich­tiger Schockabsorber. 
  • Capital flows, mean­while, increased sub­stan­tially, but financed invest­ments in low- pro­duc­tivity sectors and drove unsus­tainable booms. The eli­mi­nation of cur­rency risk and the lowering of interest rates boosted intra-euro area capital flows, with cross-border claims in euros of euro area banks rising from below €1 trillion in 1998 to close to €10 trillion at the peak in 2008. (…) Banks con­cen­trated their new lending in sectors with low pro­duc­tivity, espe­cially housing, con­s­truction and other real estate acti­vities, fueling housing price bubbles in Spain and Ireland, incre­asing risks to financial sta­bility. When the euro area crisis hit in 2010, capital flows were reversed, forcing rapid adjustment.“
    Fazit: Tja, Banken finan­zieren nun mal nichts lieber als Immo­bilien. Da müsste man ansetzen. Jedoch, kein Wort dazu in dem Papier der Öko­nomen aus Deutschland und Frankreich.


Quelle: IMF

  • EMU mem­bership did not generate struc­tural reforms beyond what was observed in other advanced eco­nomies. (…) Labor tax policies diverged in the first ten years of EMU, which set dif­ferent incen­tives for employment across countries and influenced their potential growth. The dispersion of labor tax wedges increased signi­fi­cantly with the intro­duction of the euro in 1999.“
    Fazit: Natürlich braucht man keine Reformen, wenn die Wirt­schaft dank des bil­ligen Geldes boomt.
  • Widening com­pe­ti­ti­veness gaps led to the buildup of external imba­lances within the euro area. In many countries, wage growth out­paced pro­duc­tivity growth, con­tri­buting to a build-up of com­pe­ti­ti­veness gaps (text chart), as manifest in per­sistent inflation dif­fe­ren­tials and divergent real effective exchange rates. More com­pe­titive eco­nomies such as Germany expe­ri­enced widening current account sur­pluses, while countries with weaker pro­duc­tivity growth and higher inflation such as Spain saw widening deficits. Limited labor market fle­xi­bility com­pounded the com­pe­ti­ti­veness problem and increased the burden of adjus­tment fol­lowing the crisis.“
    Fazit: Die Charts dazu habe ich schon in meinem Büchlein „Die Krise … ist …“ gezeigt. Es war einfach nur eine Party.
  • Capital flow-driven boom-bust dynamics ulti­m­ately con­tri­buted to imba­lances and real eco­nomic diver­gence. By sup­p­lying exu­berant investment in low-pro­duc­tivity sectors, pre- crisis capital flows exa­cer­bated eco­nomic 
dise­qui­libria in the form of mis­a­lignments
between pro­duc­tivity and com­pen­sation, which
under­mined incen­tives for effi­cient resource
allo­cation and sus­tainable growth. The
retrenchment of cross-border bank lending
further wea­kened peri­phery banks’ balance
sheets and rein­forced the credit crunch,
hin­dering the real­lo­cation of labor and capital. 
In hind­sight, the financial imba­lances linked to
the dif­ferent posi­tions of countries’ financial cycles created unsus­tainable booms and large current account imba­lances (text chart), encou­raged pro-cyclical fiscal policy in reci­pient countries, and con­tri­buted to resource mis­al­lo­cation, thereby lowering potential output.“
    Fazit: eine gute und klare Zusam­men­fassung. Selbst, wenn wir alle Reformen, die von den Öko­nomen vor­ge­schlagen wurden, umsetzen würden, könnte sich genau diese Ent­wicklung wie­der­holen. Nichts wäre also gewonnen.

  • Finally, fiscal policy tended to exa­cerbate the cycles. The Sta­bility and Growth Pact (SGP) was meant to prevent national fiscal policies from pro­ducing negative spill­overs on other countries and on the conduct of monetary policy. However, the SGP framework did not fully prevent pro-cyclical fiscal policies before the crisis. In addition, com­pliance with the SGP rules was weak and the com­plexity of the framework has ham­pered effective moni­toring.“
    Fazit: Auch hieran ändert sich bei rea­lis­ti­scher Betrachtung nichts. 

Was sollte getan werden?

  • Common fiscal mecha­nisms could play an important role in macroe­co­nomic sta­bi­lization. (…) a central fiscal capacity would provide countries with more fle­xi­bility in responding to such asym­metric shocks, cushioning the impact of the required internal deva­luation. It would permit a more accom­mo­dative fiscal stance in a downturn, while sup­porting fiscal disci­pline in good times.“
    Fazit: Dabei hat der IWF in einem anderen Papier vor­ge­rechnet, dass dies gar nicht geht, weil die Grö­ßen­ord­nungen unrea­lis­tisch sind. Vielmehr gilt es, den Pri­vat­sektor zu mobi­li­sieren, um auf diese Weise mehr Aus­gleich zu erreichen.→ IWF: „Toward A Fiscal Union for the Euro Area“, 25. Sep­tember 2013
  • Expanded cen­trally-financed EU investment could raise potential growth in lagging countries (…) higher public infra­structure investment through mecha­nisms such as EFSI and struc­tural funds could raise growth in the short term by boosting aggregate demand in a downturn and in the long term by incre­asing pro­ductive capacity.“
    Fazit: Ich wüsste nicht, wie noch mehr Auto­bahnen in Por­tugal dem Land helfen. Es liegt, was Inno­va­tionen betrifft, auf dem Niveau eines Entwicklungslandes. 
  • Greater efforts are needed to improve struc­tural fle­xi­bility and close com­pe­ti­ti­veness gaps. Struc­tural reforms would enhance countries’ capacity to adjust to shocks, but would also help improve pro­duc­tivity growth in lagging countries to strengthen com­pe­ti­ti­veness and ulti­m­ately foster income convergence (…).“
    Fazit: O. k. und wieso sollten jetzt die Reformen kommen, die schon die letzten 20 Jahre nicht gekommen sind? Aber immerhin werden sie hier noch gefordert. Die deut­schen Öko­nomen setzen mehr darauf, unser Ein­kommen zu transferieren. 
  • Sus­tainable income con­ver­gence would bolster the poli­tical sta­bility of the monetary union. (…) Pro­duc­tivity growth requires greater capital investment, including in human capital, better allo­cated to growth ‑enhancing areas. Ulti­m­ately, greater income con­ver­gence can help strengthen both the support for the monetary union and strengthen countries’ resi­lience to shocks, thereby alle­viating con­cerns about per­manent transfers from richer to poorer countries.“
    Fazit: Hm, was meinen sie hier. Ich denke, auch mehr Umver­teilung, damit die ärmeren Länder nicht so unzu­frieden sind. Übrigens, die mit dem gerin­geren Ein­kommen sind dennoch reicher als wir, wenn man auf das Ver­mögen blickt. Nur zur Erinnerung.

IWF: „Eco­nomic Con­ver­gence in the Euro Area: Coming Tog­ether or Drifting Apart?“, 23. Januar 2018
Dr. Daniel Stelter — www.think-beyondtheobvious.com